At a December gala in New York, former President Donald Trump weighed in on what’s likely to become one of the country’s most divisive congressional primaries.
Standing in the crowd of supporters was Bo Hines, the young North Carolina Republican who ran for Congress with Trump’s endorsement in 2022 but fell short in the general election.
“Bo Hines is here,” Trump told the audience. “He’s going to be a congressman very shortly.”
But Hines wasn’t the only one jockeying for position behind the scenes. So was Addison McDowell, a little-known health care lobbyist who will turn 30 years old later this month.
McDowell had gone on a hunting trip with Donald Trump Jr. a few weeks earlier, who then set up a private meeting between his father and McDowell at Mar-a-Lago. By the end of the meeting, Trump pledged his support to McDowell—less than 72 hours after calling Hines a future congressman.
“Addison McDowell will be a great Congressman, and has my Complete and Total Endorsement!” Trump wrote on Truth Social, the media platform he founded.
It was a body blow to Hines. It also hurt another candidate, former U.S. Rep. Mark Walker, who fell out of Trump’s good graces after refusing to bow out of the 2022 U.S. Senate race to make way for now-Sen. Ted Budd.
Three other Republicans are also vying in the 6th Congressional District, which straddles Interstate 85 between the Triad and Charlotte: Retired Army Lt. Col. Christian Castelli, former High Point Mayor Jay Wagner, and plastic surgeon Mary Ann Contogiannis.
The race has become a barometer of Trump’s influence in 2024. If McDowell loses the primary, it could reflect Trump’s loosening grip on the party, while a win would show his continued staying power in North Carolina politics. Trump has won North Carolina twice.
But it’s not as simple as a referendum on Trump.
Candidates still have to meet voters in a new, unfamiliar district. There’s also a giant variable lurking, as the congressional hopefuls wait to see what involvement, if any, a prominent outside group will have: The Club for Growth.
The Washington, D.C.-based political action group has a track record of tilting North Carolina congressional races through aggressive advertising campaigns. The club could upend the primary by endorsing and putting resources behind a candidate.
In races where Trump and Club for Growth were in alignment in 2022, the combination was nearly unbeatable. At a rally that spring in the Johnston County town of Selma, Trump and Club for Growth President David McIntosh touted their support of Hines and Budd, both of whom went on to win their contested primaries.
But when Trump and McIntosh have been at odds, including in Ohio and Pennsylvania’s 2022 U.S. Senate primaries, intraparty contests have proven far more complicated and divisive.
“We are undefeated when we work together,” Trump boasted at the event.
The group declined to share what role it could play in the 6th District primary, and didn’t provide any updates on the status of possible endorsements.
“I don’t think any endorsement seals anything, whether that’s Trump, an outside organization or what have you,” said Doug Heye, a GOP strategist who has worked on three successful North Carolina U.S. Senate campaigns. “It’s obviously a boost not because of the endorsement—no one really cares—but because they’ll have resources that they can put behind it.”
No Incumbent
In October, Republican state lawmakers enacted a new 6th District map favorable to their party, prompting U.S. Rep. Kathy Manning, a two-term Democrat, to announce she wouldn’t seek reelection. No Democrats filed to run for the open seat, nor did any third-party candidates. Whoever wins the GOP primary effectively heads to Washington.
The primary promises to be a difficult-to-predict four-person contest with Castelli, Hines, McDowell, and Walker each having a strong case and unique challenges.
A fifth primary candidate, Wagner, is seen as a longer-shot with less name recognition across the district. He’s also perhaps the least enthusiastic about Trump.
“He’s got his own race, and I’ve got mine,” Wagner said of the former president. “He needs to take care of his business and let me take care of mine. I’m happy to support him if he’s the nominee, and I don’t have any argument with him.”
Contogiannis ran for the 6th District seat in 2022 and finished a distant third in the GOP primary with 12 percent of the vote. She isn’t seen as a contender this year and didn’t respond to a request for comment.
All elections are math problems. And in North Carolina, the top vote-getter with over 30 percent wins the nomination. If no candidate surpasses 30 percent, the top two will face off in a second primary on May 14.
The new district includes all of Davie, Davidson, and Rowan counties as well as parts of Guilford, Forsyth, and Cabarrus. Collectively, it swung for Trump by 16 percentage points in 2020. Candidates are not required to live in the district, and several do not.
Hines’ Trump Problem
At the 2022 rally in Selma, Trump doubled down on his support of then-Rep. Madison Cawthorn, the youthful bomb thrower from western North Carolina, and named his other endorsed candidates in attendance. When it came time to acknowledge Hines, then a political newcomer running for Congress, Trump turned to Hines and said, “I don’t know who’s better looking, him or Madison.”
Trump and Hines have remained close. The 28-year-old former college football player has traveled to Mar-a-Lago to meet with Trump and continues to flatter the former president—even if he didn’t get his endorsement.
“We were certainly surprised by it, but again, we respect the president,” Hines told The Assembly. “And I firmly believe that I have made a name for myself as being one of the America First leaders in this state and I think that voters recognize that.”
Hines’ central message was that he was the staunchest Trump supporter. He now has to convince voters that still holds true, despite Trump siding with someone else.
Chris Cooper, a Western Carolina University political scientist, said Hines’ chances of winning would improve if Trump had minimal involvement in the race.
“The reality is most voters are not paying attention to the specifics of the endorsement,” Cooper said. “[If you’re Hines], I think you hope that Trump doesn’t come to your district. And again, you align yourself with him, even though he’s not aligning himself with you.”
Hines, who grew up in Charlotte, has aspired to hold elected office from a young age. After a season as a wide receiver at North Carolina State University, he transferred to Yale University to pursue his interest in politics. When an injury cut his football career short, he focused on his political ambitions, telling the Hartford Courant he had his eye on a Charlotte-area congressional seat.
Hines spent much of 2021 and early 2022 campaigning in western North Carolina, running in a variety of districts outside Charlotte as maps changed.
When a final map was enacted, he settled on a tossup district in the Raleigh area. Propped up by Trump and Club for Growth, Hines emerged victorious in an eight-candidate primary that included attorney Kelly Daughtry and former U.S. Rep. Renee Ellmers. Hines narrowly lost the general election to then-state Sen. Wiley Nickel.
In 2022, Hines ran a heavily self-financed operation, spending money from a trust fund set up by his parents.
Candidates have until the end of January to submit their 2023 financial report, making it difficult to assess their current situations.
But through the most recent filings last September, Hines had nearly $1 million in outstanding personal loans and $500,000 owed to vendors. He’s now encouraging outside groups like Club for Growth to support his campaign.
Meanwhile, Hines faces criticism from others in the race over his lack of longevity in the district. At 28, Hines is the youngest person running. He recently moved from a rental home in Fuquay-Varina to a $1.25 million house in Waxhaw 32 miles south of the 6th District. Walker, who lives eight miles outside the district, has called Hines “Waxhaw Bo.”
Hines, who has a law degree from Wake Forest University, believes he’s best equipped to tackle economic issues, in part because of his work at his father’s company, which licenses sports games.
“The reality is we change district lines like most folks change underwear in this state, so it’s pretty hard to determine where things are gonna line up,” Hines said. “But I believe in my ties to this district.”
But some of Hines’ ties have also raised questions—most notably, his connection to Students for Trump co-founder Ryan Fournier.
“We change district lines like most folks change underwear in this state.”
Bo Hines
In November, Axios reported that Fournier was charged with assaulting his girlfriend by grabbing her arm and striking her forehead with a handgun.
Before the arrest, Hines touted the endorsement by sharing it on Twitter. In an interview, Hines refused to disavow Fournier, reject the endorsement or address the allegations. His campaign later clarified that Hines supports letting the legal process play out.
Walker’s GOP Enemies
Among the six candidates, Walker likely has the strongest name recognition. He represented the Greensboro area in Congress from 2015 to 2021, and was chosen to head the Republican Study Committee, the largest caucus of conservatives in Congress. Walker said he’s been endorsed by 40 of his former colleagues, including U.S. House Speaker Mike Johnson and Rep. Dan Crenshaw of Texas.
Walker ran in the 2022 Republican primary for the U.S. Senate, finishing behind Budd and former Governor Pat McCrory with 9 percent of the vote.
A former Baptist pastor, Walker is also the most skilled retail politician in the race. On the campaign trail, he is accessible, affable, and personable. He also films cheesy, mildly humorous campaign videos with his wife, Kelly.
In one video, the two are in a car discussing recent campaign stops. As Walker names places, his wife interjects.
“Wilmington,” he says.
“Port City,” she says.
“Charlotte,” he adds.
“Queen City,” she replies.
When they arrive at Durham and Bull City, Walker does a double take as if an obscenity had been uttered.
“Whatever city you’re in, we look forward to meeting you,” he concludes.
But Walker faces serious obstacles. Just 14 percent of the new district is territory he previously represented. And he has butted heads with some of the most powerful Republicans in the state, including Budd, Senate leader Phil Berger, and Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson.
“There’s an old saying that says go where you’re celebrated, not tolerated,” Walker said. “In Raleigh, I think we’re tolerated. In D.C., it’s different.”
Walker’s political career began with a 2014 congressional primary win against Berger’s son, now-state Supreme Court Justice Phil Berger Jr. At the time, candidates needed 40 percent to win the nomination outright. Berger was the top vote-getter, but was pushed to a second primary that Walker won with 60 percent support.
When Republican legislators crafted new voting maps for 2020, they stuck Walker in a Democratic-leaning district. Walker and the elder Berger have most recently tangled over efforts to bring casinos to rural North Carolina, which Walker opposed.
“Anytime that you take on somebody’s family member and you beat them in a very sound manner, they’re not going to be your best friends moving forward,” Walker said. “We’ve had a target on our back over the last 10 years.”
In 2018, Walker helped put Robinson on the map when he shared a video of his speech about gun rights at a Greensboro City Council meeting. When the video gained national attention, Walker coordinated Robinson’s Fox News debut, and the two became friends. But they had a falling out after Robinson backed Budd in 2022.
“We’ve had a target on our back over the last 10 years.”
Mark Walker
Walker criticized Budd relentlessly on the campaign trail, particularly with the then-congressman’s refusal to debate. And Walker saw Robinson’s endorsement of Budd as a betrayal. He suggested the lieutenant governor made him an offer to get him out of the race.
“I was offered a lucrative opportunity if I would just get out of that Senate race and do what I was asked to do,” Walker said. “All I had to do was walk out on stage and play ball. I chose not to.”
Robinson has been the Republican frontrunner for governor since he announced his candidacy in April. Walker spent much of last year campaigning against him, but dropped out after the new congressional map emerged.
Robinson’s campaign declined to respond to Walker’s assertions. When Robinson filed his candidacy paperwork last month, he declined to commit to supporting any candidate in the 6th District primary.
“It’s going to be a real tough race,” Robinson said.
Castelli Makes His Case
Castelli enters the race with some advantages, including running a competitive congressional campaign in 2022. He won a seven-person primary, then lost to Manning by 9 percentage points, earning name recognition. He’s also the lone military veteran in the race, having served in the Army for more than 20 years.
“Our country is calling us for decisive leadership, experienced and proven leaders,” Castelli said. “I would go immediately to my experience, which distinguishes me from amongst that field of candidates. We’ve got two 20-somethings in the race … I’m bringing 30 years of proven leadership to the table.”
Castelli was born in South Carolina and raised in a military family. He graduated from St. John’s University in 1992 and began his military career, becoming a Green Beret.
After a second tour in Afghanistan, he got a master’s degree in public administration from Harvard University and worked as an inspector general for the Army and Department of Defense. In 2012, he started a small security business called Global Security Resources.
The botched U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan and the deaths of 13 U.S. service members at Hamid Karzai International Airport in 2021 prompted him to run for office.
“We’ve got a war raging in Europe,” Castelli said. “We’ve got a war in the Middle East. We’ve got a crisis of epic proportions on our southern border … My background more than anyone else that’s in this field of candidates is perfectly suited to handle these challenges today.”
Perhaps his biggest strength: 32 percent of voters in the district he ran for in 2022 are included in the redrawn 6th District—tied with Contogiannis for the most overlap of any candidate.
But he still has a lot of unfamiliar territory. At the time he filed his candidacy on Dec. 11, Castelli lived outside the district in Southern Pines. He said he moved into the district shortly after submitting his paperwork. His voter registration still shows him in Southern Pines.
McDowell Comes From Nowhere
McDowell is the only person in the race who hasn’t run for elected office before. Few had even heard of him before Trump’s endorsement. If he doesn’t have the money to communicate Trump’s endorsement, he could have trouble gaining traction.
But McDowell, who grew up in Lexington and graduated from the University of North Carolina at Charlotte in 2016, is not new to politics. He worked in Budd’s district office doing constituent services and worked for Rep. Richard Hudson’s campaign.
In 2020, he took a job lobbying on behalf of the North Carolina League of Municipalities and now lobbies on behalf of Blue Cross and Blue Shield of North Carolina. His older brother, Ches, lobbies North Carolina lawmakers on behalf of dozens of interest groups, including the National Basketball Association and the North Carolina Medical Cannabis Association.
Budd has backed his campaign, and spoke to Trump directly to help McDowell get his endorsement.
Nearly one month away from the Feb. 15 start of early, in-person voting, McDowell’s campaign website lists no policy positions or even a biography. It’s a single page with a donation link, a note that Trump endorsed him, links to largely inactive social media pages, and an email sign-up form. Three images line the bottom of the page: McDowell with his wife and baby, him with Trump, and him with his dog.
Still, McDowell has a compelling backstory. He and Budd grew close after McDowell’s younger brother, Luke, died of a fentanyl overdose at the age of 20, shortly before the 2016 election.
McDowell said the loss motivated him to push for policy solutions, and to consider a congressional run.
“I have to go through the rest of my life living like I don’t have an arm or something,” McDowell said. “I’ve seen my mother broken after her son died. A police officer came to our house, knocked on the door, and said, ‘Ma’am, I’m sorry. Your son is dead.’ If I can get up there and stop one person, one mother from having to do that, this will all be worth it.”
Jonathan Felts, who ran Budd’s 2022 Senate campaign, is now advising McDowell. He said Budd was initially resistant to McDowell’s candidacy because he wanted him to spend time with his newborn. But Budd eventually decided to support him.
McDowell and Donald Trump Jr. became friends through a mutual interest in hunting. McDowell sought the younger Trump’s advice during a hunting trip. He encouraged McDowell to run and helped set up a meeting with the former president, Felts said.
Trump’s endorsement rattled the North Carolina political community. Some have tried to dig into McDowell’s old social media posts, suggesting that he posted anti-Trump content on Twitter following the Jan. 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol.
“I’m not a johnny-come-lately opportunist. I am not a career politician. I’m someone who is in this for the right reasons.”
Christian Castelli
McDowell’s campaign says that account never belonged to him. And while a review of McDowell’s actual Twitter account shows 511 deleted posts, they appear to be the result of scrubbing that is fairly common practice before a campaign. The deleted tweets include a number of golf-related posts.
So far, few opponents have taken on McDowell. Some have sought to link McDowell and Hines, noting that they are both young and politically ambitious.
“Everybody else who’s running, quite frankly, are opportunists who see this district as their easiest path to power and a paycheck,” Wagner said. “That’s not who I am.”
Castelli added, “I’m not a johnny-come-lately opportunist. I am not a career politician. I’m someone who is in this for the right reasons.”
McDowell isn’t biting. “I don’t want to talk about them,” he said of his opponents. “I’ll talk about me and why I’m qualified.”
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